Felt-makers, Doorkeepers, and Cantors in the Early Dynastic Lagash É-MÍ Corpus: Some Observations

1.     Preliminary

This paper examines three occupations: tug2-du8 “felt-makers” or rather “rope makers and braiders” (Waetzoldt 2007), i3-du8 “doorkeepers,” and gala “cantors” in which a small number of women worked as well as men. It will be seen that each of these occupations, as in the case of šu-i2 “barbers,” included both a group of landed men on one hand, and a group of landless men and women, who were often poorly compensated, on the other.

In this and previous papers, I have categorized people with land as belonging to higher socio-economic strata. These people occur in Type I ration lists, “barley rations given to those who were allocated prebend-land,[1] records of the allocation of prebend land (GAN2 šuku) and of leased land (GAN2 apin-la2), and/or records of assignments of obligatory work such as canal construction and maintenance. Landless workers received monthly barley rations: their names and the amount of barley they received were recorded in Type II lists “barley rations given to blind persons, carriers, and those registered in various tablets,”[2] Type III lists “barley rations given to women and children,” or Type IV lists “barley rations given to those of the households of royal children.”[3] The table below shows in what type of ration lists male and female members of šu-i2 “barbers,” tug2-du8 “felt-makers,” i3-du8 “doorkeepers,” and gala “cantors” can be found.

Types of ration lists and occupations

 Type of ration lists





 Type I

 še-ba lu2-šuku-dab5-ba





 Type II

še-ba igi-nu-du8 il2 ša3-dub-didli







 Type III

 še-ba geme2-dumu


 Type IV

 še-ba lu2-di4-di4-la-ne


M = male; F = female

*gišgal-si/ gala is referred to as a supervisor of weavers: see below 4.3 (2).

2.     tug2-du8 “felt-makers”

2.1. A pair of a male and a female felt-makers: E-ta-e11 and Nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4

These two people were repeatedly listed as a pair of felt-makers in Type II ration lists (L6.9—UL5.3b),[4] as follows:

36/48 (sila3) e-ta-e11
36/48 (sila3) nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4

Although Nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4 is certainly a female name, no expression such as tug2-du8-munus can be found.[5] In contrast with female barbers (šu-i3-munus) and female doorkeepers (i3-du8-munus), there was no feminine gender-marking for tug2-du8 but we should note that the MUNUS sign was not always written even in the former two cases. Both E-ta-e11 and Nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4, regardless of their gender, received the same amount of barley rations, which was either 36 sila or 48 sila. At some point during UL6, Nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4 disappeared from the ration list while E-ta-e11 kept his job.[6]

2.2. Felt-makers from higher socio-economical strata

In Type I ration lists, tug2-du8 professionals were not referred to by their individual names. Records just tell us “how many tug2-du8 received how much amount of rations”: for example, “72 sila of barley for a felt-maker”;[7] “four felt-makers with 72 sila of barley each”;[8] “48 sila of barley for a felt-maker, three felt-makers with 42 sila of barley each.”[9] This kind of recording convention is also seen in texts dealing with work assignments or field allotments: for example, “2.5 gi (of canal maintaining work assigned to) the felt-maker”;[10] “4 ¼ iku of prebend-land (allotted to) the felt-maker.”[11] Nevertheless we can collect over ten personal names of felt-makers. We will now take a closer look at one of them, named Al-la, who seems to be the most prominent,.

2.2.1. Al-la tug2-du8

DP 219, dated to L4, recorded that a ram was slaughtered for Bara2-ir-nun, wife of the felt-maker Al-la, in the kitchen when she gave birth to a child.[12] This draws our attention because it reminds us of another similar record: that of Bara2-nam-tara, wife of Lugalanda, who gave birth to a daughter (Munus-sa6-ga) in the same year (Nik 1 209 and DP 218). These are only two women for whom records of their giving birth have been preserved in the ED Lagash corpus. So who was this Bara2-ir-nun, who received as much attention as the queen?

We know that Bara2-ir-nun was already married to Al-la in L2. A document dating from that year listed her as the wife of Al-la and being among the mašdaria-gift-givers.[13] Her husband Al-la is most likely to be identified with Al-la the felt-maker.

In the documents dating from before her marriage, we can spot her among Lugalanda’s sisters,[14] who were also lukur-priestesses at the same time[15] (Steinkeller 1981:84-85, n. 47).

In the two documents where Bara2-ir-nun was referred to as a lukur, receiving 72 sila of barley and 72 sila of emmer (RTC 61 iii 8-9 and DP 134 iii 3-4), her future husband Al-la the felt-maker was also listed. One of these documents (DP 134 rev. ii after the break) recorded that he was given 36 sila of barley and 36 sila of emmer, half of her rations.[16] We know that he cultivated a leased land, and that 840 sila was his še-gub-ba “Gerstenabgabe.”[17] We can safely conclude that the felt-maker Al-la, who married a sister of the ruler, was himself belonged to the upper echelon of society.

3.     i3-du8 “doorkeepers”

3.1. Male and female doorkeepers

12 male and three female doorkeepers were mentioned by name in Type II and other ration lists, in which four to ten people—sometimes only men and sometimes a mixed group of men and women—worked at a given time.

3.1.1. Female doorkeepers

Three female doorkeepers, Nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4, Nin-tigix-ni-dug3, and Nin-en-še3-nu-kar2-kar2 are attested.[18]

Nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4 and her child daughter are referred to in:

(1) A barley ration list of “the personnel of prince-ship of the god Igalim” (lu2 nam-dumu dig-alim-ka) dating from UL1:[19] Nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4, here abbreviated as Nam-šita, received 24 sila, and her daughter received 12 sila.

(2) A wool ration list dating from UL1[20]: Nam-šita received 3 mina and her daughter received ½ mina.

(3) Two emmer-flour ration lists of “the friends of royal children” (ušur3 nam-dumu) dating from UL2[21] and UL3:[22] she received 18 sila in both lists. These seem to indicate that Nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4 and her work were at some point related to the household of royal children.[23]

(4) Type II barley ration lists dating from UL2.8b to UL6.4b[24]: she received either 18 or 24 sila, and her daughter received 12 sila.

Nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4 was joined by Nin-tigix-ni-dug3 (the earliest attestation of this is UL3.6b) and these two women were listed side by side with the gender marking “(they are) women” (munus-me), immediately following their male counterparts (nita-me) (the latest attestation is UL5.3b).[25] Her ration was 18 sila.

The third female doorkeeper who joined the group was Nin-en-še3-nu-kar2-kar2. She was recorded, for a while (UL4.7b—UL6.8b), as an orphan living with the doorkeeper igi-dba-ba6-še3[26] and, lastly in the ration list dating from UL6.12b,[27] as female doorkeeper (i3-du8-munus-am6). Her ration was also 18 sila.

3.1.2. Male doorkeepers

Of 12 male doorkeepers attested in the Type II ration lists, I will discuss Amar-šuba3, Nam-mah(-ni), Nig2-gur11-kur-ra, and Ur-dinanna, in what follows.

(1) Amar-šuba3 was the only doorkeeper in the extant Type II lists who received 36 sila of barley,[28] and was placed first among this section of doorkeepers (L6.9b-L6.12b).[29]

(2) Nam-mah(-ni) and Nig2-gur11-kur-ra occupied the second and the third place respectively, while Amar-šuba3 seems to have been in charge. After Amar-šuba3 dropped out from the list, Nam-mah(-ni) in turn ascended to the head, and Nig2-gur11-kur-ra rose to the second place (UE2b—UE6b).[30] Later, the order of these two was reversed, with Nig2-gur11-kur-ra preceding Nam-mah(-ni) (UL2.8b—UL5.3b).[31] Both of them were given either 18 or 24 sila of barley rations.
Nig2-gur11-kur-ra and Nam-mah are also found in a Type I ration list dating from UE2b, both receiving 24 sila of barley.[32] This is surprising because, as we have seen above, they occur in the Type II list dating from the very same UE2b: there too their barley rations were 24 sila each. Was this double notation a scribal mistake? Before condemning this to an archival confusion, we should take a couple of documents into consideration.
One is DCS 8 dating from Lugal-an-da-nu-hun-ga2 1 (= L1). This is the record of emmer-flour rations distributed to the surx (ERIM) on the occasion of the festival of the goddess dBa-ba6 (ziz2-ba ERIM-ra ezem-dba-ba6-ka). Deimel (apud Prentice 2010:75, n. 323) equated the surx with those who hold the šuku-allotments (lu2-šuku-dab5-ba).[33] This document also mentions the doorkeeper Nam-mah-ni.[34]
Another relevant document is DP 623, dating from L3. This is a record of assignments of canal maintenance work.[35] In this document the doorkeepers Nig2-gur11-kur-ra and Ur-du6 are mentioned. Since this type of obligatory work was supposed to be carried out by šuku-holders, it is no surprise to find a person like Ur-du6, here specified as “palace doorkeeper” (see 3.2 (2) for more details), involved in it.[36] But what about Nig2-gur11-kur-ra? If he is to be counted as a šuku-holder, this and the aforementioned case of Nam-mah-ni might indicate changes that occurred in their socio-economical status.

(3) Ur-dinanna occurs in the Type II ration lists dating from L6[37] and from UL6.[38] During this period, he is mentioned in two documents, DP 133 (UL1) and TSA 5 (UL2), which recorded the givers and receivers of “pure milk and pure malt” (ga-ku3 munu4-ku3). He was listed as a giver following the elite doorkeeper Ur-du6, also a giver.[39] Again in UL2, Ur-dinanna was mentioned among those to whom Sasa, wife of Urukagina, sold sheep hide with fleece (kuš-udu-bar-gal2-la).[40]

3.2. Doorkeepers from higher socio-economic strata

(1) Doorkeepers with a specific title

Doorkeepers with a specific title, listed below, are found in the contexts of land allotment, leaseholds, work assignments, receiving special gifts, and Type I ration lists.[41]

Lu2-zi/ i3-du8 e2-PA(gidri)-ka[42]
Lugal-pirig/ i3-du8 nam-dumu[43]
Lugal-ušur3-ra/ i3-du8 dba-ba6[44]
Lum-ma-teš2-mu/ i3-du8 e2-gal[45]
Na-ni/ i3-du8 uru11ki[46]
Ur-du6/ i3-du8 e2-gal[47]
Ur-ddumu-zi/ i3-du8 bad3[48]
Ur-digi(-ama-še3)/ i3-du8 bad3[49]
Ur-dnin-gir2-su/ i3-du8 ti-ra-aš2ki[50]
Ur-šubur/ i3-du8 ganun-mah[51]

(2) Ur-du6 the Doorkeeper of the Palace

Ur-du6, sometimes called “doorkeeper of the palace” along with Lum-ma-teš2-mu,[52] is, without doubt, the most recurring/prominent figure among the elite doorkeepers. His earliest attestation can be found in E2, where is he listed among the witnesses in a purchase document of Dimtur (RTC 17; see Section 4 for more discussion). After this, he occurs in the records of wool distribution to “the supervisors and the igi-nigin2-people” (ugula-ne lu2 igi-nigin2-ne) dating from L2—UE[53] and in Type I (barley or emmer) ration lists dating from L6.2b—UL6.11b.[54] His barley ration was normally 36 sila (except for two occasions of 72 sila) and his emmer ration was 12 sila. Corresponding to his occurrence in Type I lists, he was allocated the šuku-land[55] and assigned obligatory work such as canal maintenance, harvesting the ruler’s fields, and so on.[56] He was also listed in one document (DP 130 vii 11-12) classified as lu2 ninda GAN2 maš-ba dba-ba6,[57] and in the other (CT 50 37 rev. ii 1-2) as še-gar ziz2-gar sa2-dug4 iti-da dba-ba6,[58] dating from UL3 and UL4, respectively. In the latter, he was one of the professionals who, though not a herdsman, took care of animals belonging to the E2-MI2 and received the grain to feed them with.[59] In the documents related to the “pure milk and pure malt” (ga-ku3 munu4-ku3) ceremony, Ur-du6 was listed as a giver.[60]

4.     Gala wailers and cantors

In the ED Lagash corpus, three groups of gala can be recognized: a large number of gala-wailers participating in the wailing activities such as funerals (4.1), male and female (regular) gala-cantors (4.2), and gala-cantors from higher socio-economic strata (4.3).

4.1. Gala-wailers

Two texts (TSA 9 and VS 14 137), both dating from UL2, recorded the food and drinks distributed to the participants of the two successive wailing ceremonies at Baranamtara’s funeral (lu2 ki-hul bara2-nam-tar-ra-(ka)/ er2-sig7-me) (Jagersma 2007:293). TSA 9, recording the first ceremony, listed 72 gala-wailers, 70 dam ab-ba,[61] 10 šeš-tu, and 148 (slave) women (geme2). VS 14 137, recording the second ceremony, listed 92 gala-wailers, 48 dam ab-ba, and 177 geme2. In the latter text, the chief gala-priest of Girsu (gala-mah gir2-suki) was mentioned,[62] indicating that he was in charge of these people.

Another text (DP 159), dating from UL5, is a similar document of food and drink distribution. However, here the rations were issued to “the women and children of gods” (geme2-dumu-dingir-ne) by Sasa, wife of Urukagina, in the E2-MI2, but with no specific information as to what occasion it was for.[63] There a total of 176 gala-wailers were listed, including two different types of wailers: 18 u18-di[64] and five um-ma-er2 (wailing women),[65] 174 women (geme2) serving various gods, and 68 babies (ša3-dug3). Gelb (1975:70-71) concluded that geme2 in this rubric (geme2-dumu-dingir-ne) corresponded to the geme2 plus the gala of the main text,[66] and noted that Deimel reached the same conclusion. We may deduce from this that some, if not all, of the gala-wailers performing at the Baranamtara’s funeral were also women. As for the question of who they were, Gelb (1975:67-68) wrote:

The very large numbers of… gala participating in the wailing activities at funerals in Pre-Sargonic times indicate a very low status of the gala. In fact, for may years I have often thought of these gala as “professional mourners” at the funerals, a class of people derived from beggars in modern times.[67]

4.2. Male and female (regular) gala-cantors

(1)  Nin-tigix-ni-dug3

DP 231 is a rather broken tablet: its first half deals with the first barley ration of the prebend (šuku)-land holders and its second half with the ninth ration of the non-land-holding professionals. Among the latter, a pair of gala-cantors was listed, Nin-tigix-ni-dug3 and Gu3-bi-dug3.[68] For Gu3-bi-dug3, see below (2). Apart from this tablet, Nin-tigix-ni-dug3 also occurs in Type III ration lists dating from L6 to UL6.12b,[69] where she was the only gala-cantor and received 18 sila of barley throughout her career. The sex of this person has been debated. For instance, Gelb (1975:71-74) assumed that Nin-tigix-ni-dug3, like some other gala-cantors,was a man with feminine inclinations, hence, “the gala who is listed among the women is not a woman” yet “he is still listed with women” (p. 72). But now scholars agree on Nin-tigix-ni-dug3’s female identity.[70]

(2) Gu3-bi-dug3

Nin-tigix-ni-dug3’s one-time partner Gu3-bi-dug3 is to be identified with the gala sold by his mother Gan-ki-ku3[71] to Dimtur, wife of Enentarzi, during the reign of her husband.[72] A barley-emmer ration list (BIN 8 347) dating from E2 listed a gala-cantor named Gu3-bi with 24 sila of emmer rations[73]: since this distribution was made to lu2-igi-nigin2 šub-lugal-ke4-ne, who later (during Lugalanda’s reign) found their way to Type I ration lists (Maekawa 1973-74:110), Gu3-bi should be seen as a prebend-land holder.

(3) Lugal-edin-ne2

A document (Nik 1 17) dating from L3 recorded that Lugal-edin-ne2 described as a “gala, young man”[74] was purchased by Baranamtara, wife of Lugalanda. He occurs Type II ration lists dating from L6.9b to UE2b.[75]

(4) Amar-dsamanx

Amar-dsamanx was another purchased gala (BIN 8 363): he was bought by a merchant from his father, Lugal-he2-gal2-su3, for Sasa, wife of Urukagina, in UL4.[76] He is attested in Type II ration lists dating from UL6.4b to UL6.12b.[77]

4.3. gala-cantors from higher socio-economic strata

(1)  Chief gala-cantors

In the “pure milk and pure malt” ceremony dating from L4 to UL2, the chief gala-cantors (gala-mah) of Lagaški, Gir2-suki, NINAki, and dNin-marki, or in their place, their wives were listed among the receivers.[78] The chief gala-cantor of Lagash was Ur-du6: he received a pair of two-year-old oxen from the governor;[79] in a record of the canal maintaining work he was called “gala of the Ebabbar temple,”[80] whereas in another list his title was abbreviated simply to gala.[81] The chief gala-cantor of Girsu was Ur-e2(-zi):[82] he was allocated prebend land (UL1),[83] and also leased land (UL4).[84] The unnamed chief gala-cantor of Nina (gala-mah NINAki) was recorded as receiving fleeces, cream,[85] and various other items.[86]

(2)  Other gala-cantors

Other gala-cantors, Lu2-zi,[87] Šubur-dba-ba6,[88] Na-ni,[89] Ur-sal,[90] En-ne2,[91] Gišgal-si,[92] and Lugal-nig2-ga2-ni[93] are mentioned in documents dealing with allocation of prebend-land, lease holding, assignment of obligatory work, and others. It should be noted that among the gala-cantors and the chief gala-cantors who were given land allotments and fulfilled their work obligations, only Gišgal-si seems to be found in the preserved Type I ration lists. In these he is described, as Maekawa (1973-74:106, n. 39) has already pointed out, as a supervisor of female textile workers.[94] We can be sure that this Gišgal-si was the gala-cantor is shown by a “lu2 ninda-ba” text from L1, where he was in charge of 12 weavers of wool and flax:[95] VS 25 8 v 1-3: 12 ki-siki ki-gu/ gišgal-si/ gala, and also in a document where he and the leader of the female personnel, E2-mete, were in charge of 14 weavers each: RTC 52 iii 6-10: 14 gišgal-si/ gala/ 14 e2-mete/ 4 gu-u9/ ki-siki-me.[96] Another record tells us of his shipment of ½ mina of white wool.[97] Selz (FAOS 15/1, p. 296, sub 4:5-6) states that “gišgal-si gala ist noch bezeugt in Nik 297 1:2-3 und RTC 52 3:6-7. Die letzte Kontext spricht dafür, daß gišgal-si zu den Frauen zu zählen ist” while interpreting either as “Gala-Priesterin(?)” (p. 295) or as “Gala-Priester” (p. 525). Unlike E2-mete, however, Gišgal-si is never unequivocally described as female, and therefore, I consider this person to be male (I will discuss E2-mete and her colleagues in our next meeting).

Lugal-nig2-ga2-ni was the gala-cantor who Baranamtara, wife of Lugalanda, bought and gave to her father Ne-sag in L6.[98] Two years earlier to this transaction, Lugal-nig2-ga2-ni had been assigned an obligatory work (see n. 93), which can be seen as an indication of his holding prebend land.

5.     Concluding Remarks

In each of the professions of tug2-du8 “felt-makers,” i3-du8 “doorkeepers,” and gala “wailers and cantors,” we can recognize two groups: one of (landed) men from higher socio-economic strata and the other of (landless) men and women, often living on a less than sufficient ration payment. This seems to have been the structural pattern for several professions, including these and barbers, in the ED Lagash.



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[1] Maekawa (1987:61) regards Type I rations as “food supplied at the time of collective projects such as canal construction” (see also note 46 in my paper on ED Lagash barbers).

[2] See Prentice 2010:40, n. 198 for various different interpretations of ša3-dub-didli that have been proposed by scholars.

[3] Igi-zi is an exception; see in my paper on ED Lagash barbers.

[4] The date of their first attestation is followed by that of their last attestation.

[5] Prentice (2010:41) does not specify Nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4 as being female.

[6] TSA 17 rev. ii 10-11 (UL6.?b) and HSS 3 18 ix 10-11 (UL6.12b)—these are Type II; HSS 3 24 iv 2 (UL6.11b) and TSA 13 iv 10 (UL6.12b)—these are še-ba geme2-dumu igi-nu-du8 ša3-dub-didli.

[7] RTC 54 vi 11: 1 tug2-du8 0.2.0 (L6.2b).

[8] Erm14346 iv 6’-7’: 4 lu2 0.2.0/ tug2-du8-me (UL5?). Although the rubric is broken, it is certain that this is a Type I text.

[9] DP 121 iii 12-iv 1: 1 tug2-du8 0.1.2/ 3 tug2-du8 0.1.1 (UL6.6b).

[10] DP 622 rev. ii 5: 2 gi kuš3 3 tug2-du8 (L2)

[11] HSS 3 38 iii 7: 4(iku) ¼(iku) GAN2 tug2-du8.

[12] For the translation, see Rosengarten 1960:342, n. 2.

[13] VS 14 159 vi 8-11: 1 udu/ 2 sa2-dug4 kas/ bara2-ir-nun/ dam al-la.

[14] DP 127 ii 11: nin ensi2-ka-me; the text is dated to Lugal-an-da-nu-hun-ga, the longer form of Lugal-an-da, which seems to have been in use during the first couple of years of his reign; see note 21 in my paper on the ED Lagash barbers.

[15] Nik 53 ii 3-iii 7 (L1)//RTC 61 ii 9-iii 12 (L1)//DP 134 ii 7-iii7 (L?).

[16] Cf. RTC 61 rev. iv 15-v 4: 0.1.0 [ziz2]/ [  ]/ 2 nig2-du3-a gishašhur/ al-la/ 0.1.0 ziz2 nigar-mud/ tug2-du8-me.

[17] DP 554 i 1-3: 6.0.0 la2 0.0.4 še-gub-ba gur-sag-gal2/ al-la/ tug2-du8.

[18] In an earlier document, dating from L2, a female doorkeeper was given wool rations along with four male ones but they were unnamed (DP 175 iv 1-2).

[19] Nik 1 18 rev. iii 6-8: 0.0.4 nam-šita/ 0.0.2 dumu-munus/ i3-du8-am6.

[20] VS 27 21 iii 5-7: 1 3 nam-šita/ 1 ½ ša3-du10-munus/ i3-du8-am6. Note that in this text four male doorkeepers, who received 2 mina of wool each (i 7: 4 2 i3-du8), were counted among the men of Ur-tar (ii 1: lu2 ur-tar-me). It is quite possible to identify Ur-tar with Ur-tar-sir2-sir2-ra, one of Lugalanda’s sons: DP 175 rev. ii 2-5 lu2 u2-rum/ ur-tar-sir2-sir2-ra/ dumu/ lugal-an-da (L2) and DP 59 vi 11-12: ur-tar/ dumu ensi2-ka (L3); however, ur-tar-sir2-sir2-ra was also the name of a son of Enentarzi, as shown in DP 173 rev. ii 2-6: lu2 u2-rum/ ur-tar-sir2-sir2-ra/ dumu en-en3-tar-zi/ ensi2/ lagaški-ka (E3).

[21] DP 128 v 8-9: 0.0.3 nam-šita/ i3-du8.

[22] DP 129 rev. i 1-2: 0.0.3 nam-šita-mu-bi2-dug4/ i3-du8.

[23] Note also that Lugal-pirig was “doorkeeper of prince-ship” in Nik 1 63 rev. i 9: i3-du8 nam-dumu (UL3); according to Selz, FAOS15/1, p. 271 sub 8:8-9, i3-du8 nam-dumu is only attested here.

[24] DP 113 (UL2.8b), CT 50 36 (UL3.6b), FAOS 15/2 121 (UL[ ].8b), HSS 3 17 (UL3.10b), FAOS 15/2 120 (UL4.2b), TSA 14 (UL4.4b), Nik 1 2 (UL4.6b), TSA 15 (UL4.7b), DP 114 (UL5.3b), DP 115 (UL6), and FAOS 15/2 122 (UL6.4b),

[25] Also MVN 3 26, but the date is broken.

[26] nin-en-še3-nu-kar2-kar2/ nu-siki-munus-am6/ igi-dba-ba6-še3/ e-da-ti in Erm 14348 (UL 6.5b), TSA 16 (UL 6.8b), and TSA 17 (UL6.[ ]b); a slightly different expression, “a female orphan named Nin-en-še3-nu-kar2-kar2lives with him (said of igi-dba-ba6-še3),” was used in TSA 15 (UL4.7b), DP 114 (UL5.3b), DP 115 (UL6), and FAOS 15/2 122 (UL6.4b).

[27] HSS 3 18.

[28] Other male doorkeepers were given 18 or 24 sila. Regarding the low amount of rations, Prentice (2010:44, n. 218) comments that “[p]ossibly doorkeeping was not considered a very arduous or skilled occupation” and refers to the possibility that “the doorkeepers were old men.” However, low rations are not only found here. According to Maekawa (1980:89), female weavers were usually given 18 or 24 sila of barley per month in pre-Sargonic Lagaš; male and female barbers also often received 18 or 24 sila. According to Ellison’s dietary study (1981:39-40), a monthly diet of 18 sila or even 24 sila was not adequate energy intake for a person, male or female.

[29] VS 25 71 (L6.9b), VS 25 11 (L6.10b), and RA 71 102 (L6.12b).

[30] MVN 3 2 (UE2b), HSS 3 15 (UE5b), and HSS 3 16(UE6b).

[31] DP 113 (UL2.8b), CT 50 36 (UL3.6b), HSS 3 17 (UL3.10b), FAOS 15/2 120 (UL4.2b), TSA 14 (UL4.4b), TSA 15 (UL4.7b), and DP 114(UL5.3b).

[32] HSS 3 6 rev. iii 2-4: 0.0.4 nig2-gur11-kur-ra/ 0.0.4 nam-mah/ i3-du8-me.

[33] However, it may not have been limited to the šuku-holders because two landless barbers were also included in the surx in DCS 8 (see 4.2.2 in my paper on ED Lagash barbers). Tis requires further study.

[34] DCS 8 rev. v 2-3: 0.0.3 nam-mah-ni/ i3-du8.

[35] DP 623 rev. iv 10-v 1: 2 gi nig2-gur11-kur-ra/ i3-du8; cf., DP 624 v 3-4: 2 gi nig2-gur11-kur-ra/ i3-du; DP 624—the obverse seems to have been partially crossed out and on the reverse three right-hand columns were left uninscribed though the summing information (šu-nigin2…) was placed in two left-hand columns—was this tablet discarded in antiquity?

[36] DP 623 rev. iii 8: 2 gi ur-du6; cf. DP 624 iii 8: 4 gi ur-du6.

[37] VS 25 71 (L6.9b), VS 25 11 (L6.10b), and RA 71 102 (L6.12b).

[38] DP 115 (UL6), FAOS 15/2 122 (UL6.4b), Erm 14348 (UL6.5b), TSA 16 (UL6.8b), TSA 17 (UL6.[ ]b), and HSS 3 18 (UL6.12b).

[39] ur-du6/…/ ur-dinanna/…/ i3-du8-me in DP 133 rev. vi 6-10 and TSA 5 rev. iv 12-v 4.

[40] Nik 1 230; interpretation after Selz (FAOS 15/1, p. 457).

[41] In a document dealing with reed-cutting, CDLI restores: [ur-d]pa-[bil3-sag]/ i3-du8 e[š3] (DP 352 ii 1-2). If it is the case, this doorkeeper can be identified with the namesake of the Type II ration lists.

[42] VS 14 180 rev. iii 13-iv 3.

[43] Nik 1 63 rev. i 8-9.

[44] Nik 1 102 i 4-5.

[45] VS 14 181 v 6-7; DP 622 iv 5-6; DP 623 rev. iii 9-iv 1; DP 624 iv 1-2; Nik 1 79 iii 5-6.

[46] TSA 7 rev. vi 4-6.

[47] See 3.2. (2).

[48] VS 27 15 ii 3-4.

[49] VS 25 21 i 1-3; DP 587 iii 3-4.

[50] DP 92 rev. ii 3-4; DP 354 i 1-3; VS 25 89 rev. i 6-7; TIM 9 94 ii’ 3’-6’; Tirash was one of the four temples situated in the city of Lagash (Suter 2000:87).

[51] VS 25 61 ii 2-3.

[52] DP 623 rev. iii 8-iv 1 and DP 624 iii 8-iv 2.

[53] DP 192 (L2), VS14 181 (L4), DP 193 (L6), and DP 194 (UE); VS 27 34 is another record of wool given to Ur-du6.

[54] RTC 54 (L6.2b), HSS 3 5 (UE), HSS 3 6 (UE2b), HSS 3 7 (UL2.2b), Nik 1 13 (UL2), HSS 3 8 (UL3.1b), FAOS 15/2 118 (UL3.2b), HSS 3 9 (UL3.3b), HSS 3 10 (UL3.4b), HSS 3 11 (UL3.[ ]b), FAOS 15/2 68 (UL3), FAOS 15/2 67 (UL6.[ ]b), DP 121 (UL6.6b), BIN 8 354 (UL6.9b), HSS 3 13 (UL6.10b), HSS 3 12 (UL6.11b), Erm 14004 ([ ].3b), Erm 14346, and Erm 14349.

[55] VS 25 40 (L3), VS 25 70 (UL1), HSS 3 40 (UL1), Erm 15776, and HSS 3 38.

[56] DP 622 (L2), DP 623 (L3), DP 624 (L3), VS 25 20 (L6), VS 25 99 (L6), VS 25 41, DP 637 (UL1), TSA 23 (UL1), VS 25 74 (UL1), VS 25 79 (UL2), DP 638 (UL2), VS 27 96 (UL2), and DP 647 (UL4).

[57] “Leute der Baba, denen das ‘Brot’ der ‘Zinsfelder’ zugeteilt wird” (Selz 1995:72).

[58] “Gerstenlieferungen (und) Emmerlieferungen, regelmäßige Aufwendungen des Monats der Baba” (Bauer, AWL, p. 190).

[59] Two more doorkeepers, Lugal-sag and Lugal-pirig (i3-du8 nam-dumu), had a similar task: the former is mentioned in Nik 1 67 (E4), DP 145 (L1), BIN 8 372 (L1.6g), VS 14 77 (L1.10g), and Nik 1 62 (L1.12g); and the latter in Nik 1 63 (UL3.1g).

[60] VS 14 173 (L4), DP 132 (L5), DP 133 (UL1), and TSA 5 (UL2).

[61] Meaning unknown (Gelb 1975:65); “wives of elders” (Jagersma 2007:293).

[62] VS 14 137 ii 4-6.

[63] DP159 rev. iv 5-12.

[64] A man named Ur-dba-ba6 was u18-di and a leaseholder (DP 591 iv 3-5); another u18-di is found in CT 50 29 rev. ii 1-2: 0.2.0 lugal-lu2-zi/ u18-di.

[65] Corresponding to ama-er2 in Gudea St. B v 4 (Gelb 1975:65).

[66] Even if there were certain number of men among the gala-wailers, it would not affect the conclusion, as the case of še-ba geme2-dumu “barley rations given to women and children,” where recipients were almost entirely women and their children, although a small number of men was included.

[67] Cf., weaving women performing lamentation at the funerary in the Ur III Garšana, see Lafont’s paper (Carquiranne, September 2013).

[68] DP 231 rev. iv 4’-6’: 0.0.3 nin-tigix-ni-dug3/ 0.0.3 gu3-bi-dug3/ gala-me.

[69] TSA 10 (L6), CT 50 33 (UE1b), HSS 3 21 (UL2.9b), DP 112 (UL2.11b), Nik 1 1 (UL2.12b), TSA 11 (UL3), BIN 8 345 (UL3.6b), DP 229 (UL3.10b), CTNMC 4 (UL3), CT 50 34 (UL4.4b), Nik 1 6 (UL4.9b), TSA 12 (UL5), HSS 3 22 (UL5.4b), VS 25 69 (UL[ ].9b), and HSS 3 23 (UL6.12b).

[70] Although, somewhat later, two Old Akkadian letters published by Al-Rawi (1992) clearly show that the office of gala could be occupied either by a man or woman; a summarized discussion on the sex of gala at that time can be found in pp. 182-184. See further Cooper 2006, Michalowski 2006, and Gabbay 2011.

[71] Gan- is a female name incipit (Foxvog 2011:61-62).

[72] RTC 17 i 1-ii 3: dim3-tur/ dam en-en3-tar-zi/ ensi2/ lagaški-ka-ke4/ gan-ki-ku3-še3/ gu3-bi-dug3/ gala/ dumu-ni/ e-še3-sa10.

[73] Gu3-bi was a short name of the full form Gu3-bi-dug3 (Foxvog 2011:64).

[74] Nik 1 17 i i-3: lugal-edin-ne2/ gala/ guruš-am6.

[75] VS 25 71 (L6.9b), VS 25 11 (L6.10b), RA 71 102 (L6.12b), and MVN 3 2 (UE2b).

[76] BIN 8 363 i 5-ii 4: nig2-sa10 amar-dsamanx/ gala-še3/ lugal-he2-gal2-su3/ ab-ba-ni/ ba-DU. There is a gala named Lugal-he2 (Nik 1 111 i 1-4), who may or may not be linked with Lugal-he2-gal2-su3.

[77] FAOS 15/2 122 (UL6.4b), Erm 14348 (UL6.5b), TSA 16 (UL6.8b), HSS 3 18 (UL6.12b), DP 115 (UL6), and TSA 17 (UL6).

[78] VS 14 173 (L4), DP 132 (L5), DP 133 (UL1), and TSA 5 (UL2). In addition to these chief gala-cantors, two more named utu-mu-kuš2 and inim-ma-nizi occur as witnesses in a house-sale document dating from Enmetena (Hallo 1973:236).

[79] BIN 8 349 rev. ii 11-iii 2: 2 gud [mu] 2/ ur-du6/ gala-mah lagaški.

[80] VS 25 103 ii 8-9: ½ eš2 ur-du6/ gala e2-babbar2. Ebabbara was one of the four temples situated in the city of Lagash (Suter 2000:87).

[81] VS 25 105 i 1-3: 6 gi kin-du3-a/ [  ] x ur-du6/ gala; also in DP 32 iii 7-8 (a house sale document).

[82] TSA 2 rev. i 8-9: ur-e2/ gala-mah gir2-suki.

[83] VS 25 70 rev. iv 1: 1 bur3 gala-mah gir2-suki.

[84] TSA 7 rev. i 16-18: 2(eše3) 3 ¼(iku) GAN2 5-tuku/ ur-e2-zi/ gala-mah.

[85] VS 27 78 i 6-8.

[86] DP 220 i 1-8.

[87] VS 25 61 rev. i 1-2: 5 ½ iku of newly cultivated taxable land (GAN2 su3-la-maš) for lu2-zi/ gala (E3); for GAN2 su3-la-maš “abgabepflichtiges Newbruchfeld,” see Selz, FAOS 15/1, p. 192. Lu2-zi/ gala was also listed in another document dating from Lugalanda-nuhunga as someone who received barley and emmer rations (DP 127 vi 3-5).

[88] VS 14 72 iii 2-3: 1 bur3 of šuku-land for dšubur-ba-ba6/ gala (L4); he was listed in two documents (VS 25 19 ii 1-2 and VS 25 54 ii 1-2) of wool rations given to the royal family/acquaintances (lu2-su-a-ne); he was also given several items in DP 134 v 3-10.

[89] DP 592 rev. i 2-4: X iku of newly cultivated land ([GAN2] su3-la) for na-ni/ gala.

[90] DP 591 rev. iv 5-8: 4 iku of land with its harvest being 5 gur-sag-gal2 per iku (4 GAN2 5-tuku) and 5 iku of newly cultivated taxable land for ur-sal/ gala; Foxvog (2011:79) interprets the name Ur-sal as “delicate dog.”

[91] DP 637 rev. ii 6-7: 2 kuš3 of canal work assigned to en-ne2/ gala igi-gal2.

[92] VS 25 40 i 4-5: 4 iku of ki-uzug5-field for gišgal-si/ gala; 20 gur of barley (Nik 1 79 iv 5-6) and 35 gur of barley (VS 25 41 rev. ii 3-4) brought back by gišgal-si/ gala to the E2-MI2.

[93] VS 25 85 rev. i 3-4: 1 gi of orchard wall construction (kin im-du3-a kiri6) assigned to lugal-nig2-ga2-ni/ gala.

[94] 0.2.0 gišgal-si/ 0.2.0 dnanše-da-nu-me-a/ ugula ki-siki-ka-me in HSS 3 10 rev. i 3-5 (UL3.4b) and HSS 3 11 rev. iii 3-5 (UL3.[ ]b); note also that both Gišgal-si and dNanše-da-nu-me-a, designated as ugula ki-siki-ka-me, were allocated prebend land (DP 578 rev. iv 2-4 and HSS 3 40 ii 3-5).

[95] ki-gu: “spinning women” (Maekawa 1973-74:93, n. 23); “weavers…of flax” (Maekawa 1980:89); “Leinenweberin” (Selz, FAOS 15/1, p. 279).

[96] The two are also in VS 25 89 rev. iv 7-9.

[97] Nik 1 297 i 1-ii 1: ½ ma-na siki-u2-babbar2/ gišgal-si/ gala-e/… ba-gi4.

[98] VS 25 13 ii 5-iii 1: …/ nig2-sa10/ lugal-nig2-ga2-ni gala-kam/ bara2-nam-tar-ra/ dam lugal-an-da/ ensi2/ lagaški-ka-ke4/ ne-sag/ ab-ba-ni/ e2-gal-ta/ e-na-šum2.

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